Excerpt from, “The Harmonic Perspective of Rhythm”
Indian Rhythm, The Larger, Older Stage
As many sources tell, the subject of Indian music is vast and ancient. The old epics tell of music’s divine origins as a gift from Lord Brahma, the Creator, to Lord Shiva, who passed it in turn to Saraswati, Narada or Bharata, depending on the story and version told. (Joshi 1977, 6) Apart from legend, references to music theory document this long history. From the Vedic age (2000 to 1000 B.C.), there is early mention of note names and instruments, including the Veena, Vanshi and Damaru (stringed instrument, flute, and drum). The Buddhist and Jain scriptures reference the early classical form known as Jati music and the Veena. The epics Mahabharata and Ramayana (500 B.C. to A.D. 200) reference the seven notes and various instruments. Bharata’s famous music treatise the Natya Shastra (A.D. 400 to 500) first names the seven notes of the octave. (Joshi 1977, 6–7; Leake 1986, 4; “Portal: Indian Classical Music” 2013) Historical references to musical developments and treatises continue into modern times. In addition, there are the numerous folk genres which exist alongside, and have served as inspiration for the classical traditions. (Deva 1995; Joshi 1977; Wade 1987; Strangways 1989; J. Kippen 2006; Jairazbhoy 1988) Finally, the situation is complicated still further by the existence of not one but two classical traditions: The Carnatic tradition of Southern India and the Hindustani tradition of the North, itself a result of the extended cultural fusion that took place with the successive Muslim invasions starting in about 1100 A.D.
This short overview
will attempt to limit this immense subject and the inherent complexity therein
by discussing primarily rhythmic theory in classical Indian Music. That
rhythmic theory is the primary interest in this work is clear; the choice of
classical music is based on several considerations: 1. The classical genres are
well documented, and more accessible outside of India, through instruction and
recordings; 2. The classical genres are arguably more complex and complete in
their conception of rhythm; 3. My local teacher, Karthiegasen Pillay, is a
proponent and performer of Indian Classical Music.
The choice of which
classical tradition to focus on is more problematic. I chose to document my
process of learning to understand Indian rhythm through the process of learning
the tablas, because tablas were readily available, and because
they were an iconic symbol of Indian rhythm inside and outside of India; they
are relatively popular around the world and have proved adaptable to various
genres of music. Also significant, I liked the sound and wanted to learn the
instrument.
The tablas, however,
are primarily a North Indian, Hindustani instrument, and my local guru is
primarily a South Indian, Carnatic performer. The difference, though at times
problematic for me, seems to be less so for Mr. Pillay. Most of the
percussionists in his classes in fact play tabla; in the classes I have
attended, approximately twelve
students played the tabla, and only one or two the mrdungam, the
standard drum in South Indian Classical music. Pillay, of course, plays both,
and makes periodic reference to the similarities and differences, which he seems
to understand intimately. The two streams are at some point in the distant past
of the same origin and therefore share much in common. I will of necessity,
then, attempt to present an overview of both Carnatic and Hindustani concepts
of rhythm and drumming, aided by written sources that cover one, the other, or,
as here, both. This dual approach is implied by the course of my tabla learning experience, and by the
historical and contemporary nature of Indian Classical rhythm. There are also
important pedagogical and stylistic concepts—in particular, polymetric exercises
and an elastic treatment of time—that align with harmonic perspective of
rhythm, the approach under scrutiny in this study.
There are two principal schools of Indian classical music: the Hindustani or Northern school, and the Carnatic or Southern school. The fundamentals are the same in both the systems. But they differ in development and treatment. (Joshi 1977, 19)
The
commonalities can be easily seen in terminology. Many of the musical terms are
the same or nearly the same, likely pre-dating the early Islamic Sultanates and
Mughal Empire that spawned the hybrid Hindu/Muslim cultural forms of the North.
The notes of the scale, Sa Ri Ga Ma Pa Dha Ni, for example, are the same in
both systems. However, the conventions of alteration of the principal notes
differ.[1] Likewise, the general name of a
note is svara, the melodic system of a given composition or performance
is raga, and the metric scheme is known as tala, in both Carnatic
and Hindustani terminology.[2]
Just
as the term ‘scale’ is insufficient to describe the notes and the various
melodic conventions of movement that are implied by raga, so the term ‘metre’
goes only so far in helping the uninitiated listener to grasp the concept of tala.
Tala is perhaps better translated as ‘rhythmic cycle’[3]; it is in the
details of what constitutes this cycle however, that some complexity arises. There
is considerable debate on the definition of metre, of the applicability of
western concepts of metre to other musics of the world, of the psychological
processes involved in perceiving and/or generating a concept of metre, and so
on. The reader interested in detailed discussions of this sort is referred to
the work of London, Clayton, Arom, Agawu, and Lerdahl and Jackendoff. (London 2004; Clayton
2008; Arom 1991; Agawu 1995; Lerdahl, Jackendoff, and Jackendoff 1996). For clarity, I will use as a
foundation Clayton’s statement that, “Much music (but not all) is organized
with respect to a periodic and hierarchical temporal framework, in such a way
that a cognitive representation of this framework may be generated in the mind
of the listener. This organization and its representation are termed ‘metre’” (Clayton 2008, 41). When discussing Indian
classical music, at least some of the confusion relating to questions of how metre
is perceived and whether different metres are perceived in similar fashion by
different people is avoided because the structure is inherent in the conception
of the music. According to Clayton, all metrically organized North Indian rāg
(and presumably all metrically organized Indian classical music) is, “set
to one of a number of authorized metric frameworks called tāls.” (Clayton 2008, 43, emphasis
my own) This part of the
discussion will focus on the constitution of these authorized metric
frameworks, rather than digressing into the theoretical and psychological
analyses referred to above.
Just as in the Hindu religion, man is born, lives his life, dies and is then reincarnated to begin a new life, so the tala cycle begins, develops and then returns to the sam, the first beat of the cycle, anchor of all melody and rhythm and the leading beat to which all returns. (Montfort 1985, 63)
Tala is a recurring cycle of some fixed number of beats. The cycle is more than that however. Inherent in each of the tala cycles is a structure made up of subsections that occur and recur in a fixed order. The tala, overall, is something of a map indicating the way in which time unfolds under its influence, rather than a simple number to be counted. Deva offers this example: “Karnatak (Carnatic) music has Jhampa tala and Matya tala, both having ten aksara-s (beats or counts); but the former has a sectional arrangement as 7+1+2 and the latter 4+2+4. The internal pattern thus becomes very important musically and aesthetically.” (Deva 1995) I will begin to explain the Carnatic conception first since, as Montfort states, “The music of South India retained a purity of development that has led to a highly organized theoretical system.” (Montfort 1985, 63)
The basic components of tala in Carnatic music are the three angams:anudrutam, drutam and laghu (Montfort 1985; Deva 1995; Pillay 1997; spellings differ slightly in different sources)[4] With these basic time units are composed the 35 principal talas in contemporary usage. Montfort and Deva make reference to 108 classical or ancient talas, but descriptions are mostly held to the “later, more mathematically organized system of 35 talas.” (Montfort 1985, 63) According to Deva, the 35 talas in contemporary usage were classified by Purandaradasa in the 16th Century. Besides the 108 ancient talas and the 35 principal talas, still others exist, such as the Chapu talas. (Deva 1995, 40) However, this discussion will focus on the 35 principal talas and their organization based on the angams mentioned above.
Each
of the angams is expressed by performers and audience alike with a
gesture of the hands, or of one hand against the thigh. The anudrutam, commonly
represented by the symbol ‘U’, is always one beat long, and is marked
with a clap of the hands. The drutam, then, is always two beats and is
marked with a clap and wave. It is represented by the symbol ‘O’. The laghu,
however, can be three, four, five, seven or nine beats long; it is marked by a
clap and the appropriate number of finger counts, and is represented by the
symbol ‘I’. There are seven principal talas—which are in effect
formulaic combinations of the three angams—each
with the possibility of five different length laghus, thus rendering the
35 tala scheme. The number of beats in a laghu is known as jati.
As an example, the first of the seven principal talas is called Dhruva.
Each of the possible Druva varieties has the form: laghu, drutam,
laghu, laghu, or, I O I I. Tisra jati indicates that the laghu
has three beats. Therefore, Druva tala, tisra jati would be
represented as I3 O I3 I3; Its beat
structure is 3 + 2 + 3 + 3, or 11 beats. Each of the 35 talas also has its own short name, which in the aforementioned
example is Mani tala. The common, eight beat, Adi tala, which is
the primary tala Pillay uses with beginner students, is a variety of the
fifth principal tala, called Triputa, which has the structure I
O O. It is Triputa tala, chaturasra jati, meaning its laghu
has four beats. The resulting count is thus 4 + 2 + 2, rendered, clap,
2, 3, 4, clap, wave, clap wave. As indicated in bold, each angam
begins with a clap, thus the claps mark the sections of the tala. As we
will see this is not necessarily the case in the North Indian system.
It
is not my intention to teach the entire system to the reader; ancient treatises
and even modern books on Indian music tend to bewilder the mind of the
uninitiated and/or foreign reader with great lists of terms and names reaching
back to antiquity. As all the equivalent terms do not exist in English,
however, and to give some semblance of the actual system as it is used, I have
used the more important Indian terms here. As an aid, they are listed in the
table that follows.
Even
without listing the names of the rest of the 35 talas, the interested
reader can piece them together using the structures of the seven principal talas
and applying each of the five laghu types I3, I4,
I5, I7, and I9. The seven principal tala
structures are listed below:
Table 1. Carnatic Tala Formulae. The angam structure is indicated in the counting gestures with bold type.
I
have seen no reference that explains why these
formulae are as they are. It would seem one simply has to accept the system and
learn from it. That more variations could be added is clear, but just as clear
is the immensity of the task of memorizing and mastering these 35 talas. Among them, there is only one
with three beats and one with four; two have six beats, three have eight beats,
and one has sixteen. These more common metric schemes aside then, the bulk of
the 35 are unusual (to most outsiders), long, odd, or all three. Four talas have 20 or more beats and the
longest—Dhruva tala, Sankirna Jati, or
I9 O I9 I9—has
29!
Within
the beat, the subdivisions used are also three, four, five, seven and nine. A
composition or performance will tend to explore one of these beat subdivision
schemes for an entire section before moving to another. The name of the
particular subdivision being used is gati
(as opposed to jati, the number
of beats in a laghu) (Montfort 1985;
Pillay 2011), and the numbering
is the same as those used above: tisra for
three, chaturasra for four, khanda for five, misra for seven and
sankirna for 9.
Mnemonic Syllable Systems: Bols
and ‘Jati Rhythm Scales’
Indian
musicians make extensive use of syllables for the transmission of musical
ideas. Besides the solfège-like system mentioned above (sa, re, ga, ma, pa, dha, ni, sa), there are names for the various
sounds produced on the drums. These sounds, or bols, are used to teach
and memorize extended compositions, with or without reference to written
sources. Unfortunately for the novice, there is considerable variation between
the bols used in Hindustani and Carnatic drumming; even within one
system, one sound can have several different names that change depending on the
context, ease of pronunciation, teacher preference and so on. In South India
there is also a common system used to count tala
divisions, referred to by Leake as, ‘Jati
rhythm scales.’ (Leake 2010; Montfort
1985)[5] As some or all of
the syllables are also used for tabla and/or other musical
memorization/notation systems, the potential for more confusion exists. However,
the jati system seems to be
standardized as a way to count rhythmic divisions, irrespective of sound
source, and as such is quite useful as a theoretical and pedagogical device. (Leake 2010; Montfort
1985) The jati numbers apply once again, but in
this case there are fixed syllables used for each grouping (Table 51).
Monfort
and Leake recommend exercises using these syllables to superimpose the
different groupings on the various subdivisions, or gati, (see above), and to do so in different talas. As an example, Montfort starts his ‘Exercise III’ with Adi tala, which has eight counts or
beats, subdivided into three, or tisra
gati. One is then instructed to keep tala
(clap, 2, 3, 4, clap, wave, clap, wave) while reciting the jati
syllables above in the five different groupings, all while maintaining the tisra gati subdivision. Tisra jati corresponds with tisra gati, so each ‘ta ki ta’ aligns with each beat. Chaturasra jati, however, creates six
groups of four within the 24 (eight beats times three subdivisions per beat)
subdivision cycle. This creates a three
against four polyrhythm, expressed in
a linear fashion. To hear the interaction, it can help to think: TA ka di MI
ta ka DI mi ta KA di mi, or, 1, 2, 3, 4, 1, 2, 3,
4, 1, 2, 3, 4, etc.; the
bold, underscored syllables, represent the beats of the tala, as marked with the hand gestures. A next step would be to
emphasize every ‘ta’, or ‘1’, to
bring out the three cycle while the
hands keep the four.
Audio
Example 1. Adi Tala, Tisra
Gati, Grouped in Fours (CD Track 1).
Four and three fit nicely into a cycle of 12 subdivisions; It takes two
repetitions of this polyrhythmic cycle to fill one eight beat adi tala cycle. The challenges continue
to mount as one moves to the other five, seven and nine jati groupings. These don’t resolve within one tala cycle so they have to be continued for several, or else
started somewhere in the middle, so that they resolve on the all important sam, or beat one (Montfort presents the
latter option). Having mastered those, the next challenge could be to do the
same with a new primary subdivision, such as chaturasra gati, or four, and then of course to repeat all with
other talas.
Audio
Example 2. Adi Tala, Tisra
Gati, Grouped in Fives, Full and Truncated Cycles (CD Track 2).
This
provides an experience of simultaneous rhythmic structures, devised from a
theoretical understanding. In my own lessons, I have not been instructed in
this way (though casual reference to the concepts may have been made), nor have
I seen this method in the literature I have examined on traditional Carnatic
apprenticeship. Though I was not instructed to do this sort of practice by my
teacher Mr. Pillay, I did choose to practice quite a few of the aforementioned
permutations, coming from a theoretical, outsider perspective as I do. In fact,
the methods of Montfort and Leake referred to above, as well as Toro’s, are
directed at the musician wanting to incorporate new conceptual perspectives
from outside their own, presumably Western musical outlook and activities, be
they playing, improvising, composing, or listening; they are not addressed at
the process of learning a specific instrument or repertoire (although Leake has
also written an excellent tabla textbook,
referred to elsewhere in this discussion (Leake 1986)). A more usual method for
introducing the student to the fundamental rhythmic complexities expressed in
Indian music, and thus preparing him or her to improvise with an unerring sense
of the tala, is the learning of
compositions that exploit some these possibilities. This is of course the
method sine qua non in oral
tradition; it demands not just theoretical understanding, but the ability to
demonstrate the conceptually demanding material, arranged in an aesthetically
pleasing and traditionally acceptable manner, on the instrument(s) themselves. The
degree to which the material must be understood conceptually is a matter of
lengthy debate, which will be addressed in the section on ‘natural’ musicians
(page 73), “Ways of Knowing”
(page 79), and elsewhere
throughout this thesis.
Aural Tradition: Exercises in Context
A solo based in Adi Thala was given to
me by Pillay over a long series of intermittent lessons during the course of
about one year (he continued to add to and modify it for instructional purposes
until our lessons finished in 2015). It contains sections based on two and four
subdivisions to the beat (chaturasra
gati), as well as three (tisra gati),
five (khanda gati), and seven (misra gati).
In
the excerpt below (Figure 6.1), we find an interesting example of the extension
of a phrase to three different lengths, bringing it out of alignment with the tala, then the repetition of another
phrase to bring the phrase structure back in line with that of the tala. According to Pillay, this section
is a korway, which is a combination
of phrases, played either two times each or three times each. (Pillay 2011) The phrase that is manipulated
in this korway is a partial statement
of a recurrent theme found throughout the composition, num dhin kita thake natha chatha kita thake.[6]
Audio
Example 3. Adi Thalam
Solo Motif (CD Track 3).
This
phrase is used as something of a cadence to demarcate sections or sub-sections
of the piece. It is referred to repeatedly in the section immediately prior to
the excerpt, in increasing frequency, finishing the section with four
uninterrupted repetitions. After the relative tension built by the four
repetitions of this relatively dense phrase, there is a partial release with
the dropping of the last two beats of continuously expressed 1/16th notes. This
release of tension is suspended, however, as new tension is built with the
counter-metric phrasing to come.
The first iteration of the partial phrase, num dhinkitathaketham, covers three beats and is played twice (first part of bar 5); the next iteration then, tha num dhinkitathaketham, starts on beat seven. It covers three and a half beats and is also played twice (end of bar 5 to middle of bar 6); the second repetition is particularly unsettling (or exciting, depending on the temperament of the listener), as it starts on an off-beat and is played with that orientation, compared to the previous statement. The third iteration, thatha num dhinkitathaketham, covers a more familiar four beats (end of bar 6 to first half of bar 7), but not in concert with the four beat halves of the tala cycle; Rather, it extends first from beat six to one, then from beat two to five. Finally, starting again on beat six comes the first of three repetitions of another phrase, thamtha te nathachatakitathaketham(last half of bar 7 to beat one of bar 9). This thiramanum[7]is similar to the original, un-truncated phrase, but significantly different as well. Both are four beats long, and both contain the 1/16th note ‘run’, nathachathakitathake. This concluding phrase however, begins and ends with the strong, two handed, open bass stroke tham, first as an 1/8th note and finally as a ¼ note. This relatively long note is like a breath before the next repetition. The phrase starts first on beat six, as noted, then on beat two, and finally on beat six again to end on beat one, sam. This time, however the phrase is technically only three beats long as the last thamis not played but rather subsumed by the next section. (The notation system is explained in the terminology and notation page.)
This
rather detailed description of the rhythmic placement of phrases in this short
excerpt is meant to highlight the variable and often counter-rhythmic nature of
the material, reinforcing, contradicting and again reinforcing the tala. It is of course the nature of
primarily percussive musics to work with time in this way to create tension; As
harmonic and melodic tension are not applicable, or at least less so, it is
rhythmic and dynamic tension that are exploited. The various sounds can be
thought to make melodies, especially in the case of Indian drumming, where the
palette of sounds is quite rich and varied. The melodies don’t create tension
in a key-centered framework, however, but in the creation, juxtaposition,
reduction, augmentation, deconstruction and recombination of phrases and their
components. The result is a network of relationships between these phrases and
bits of phrases, as well as between the phrases and the metric structure. In an
accompanying role, of course, a dialogue would also exist with the soloist and
other performers.
Elsewhere
in the composition, similar examples of reduction, augmentation and
recombination of thematic material can be found, as well as sections that use
other subdivisions of the beat. This occurs as foundational material: There are
sections of the composition in thisra
nadai (Pillay’s spelling), or three subdivisions to the beat, kanda nadai, or five subdivisions to the
beat, and misra nadai, or seven
subdivisions to the beat. The composition also contains phrases that use other
subdivisions, counter to the foundational subdivision, such as a two beat
phrase with a subdivision of nine in the misra
nadai section.
Indian
classical music is largely improvisational, so compositions are used to teach
the student some of the culturally endorsed possibilities for variation within
a particular tala (the preceding
discussion presents a sample indicating the wide range of these possibilities). The compositions can also be played on
their own as part of a recital or used whole or in part in an improvisational
context. Both North and South Indian traditions include lore on the vast stores
of compositions held in memory by great players.[8] Another approach is the
teaching of variations on a structural form. Though Pillay also teaches short
repetitive phrases or ‘grooves’ used to accompany various musical forms such as
the bhajan devotional song, it is in Hindustani music that this
approach takes precedence as a conceptual framework.
According
to Montfort, Hindustani music, in contrast to Carnatic music, “has achieved its
equally high artistic standards through the cultural interaction between Hindus
and Muslims, producing an extremely rich but less-systemized music. This
process brought into being an estimated 350 talas,
of which ten are most commonly used.” (Montfort 1985, 89) According to Clayton, about 20 talas are commonly used in North India
today, but even some of those rarely so. (Clayton 2008, 57) As with Carnatic music then,
the Hindustani rhythmic concept is theoretically vast, practically less so, but still highly challenging to perform
or comprehend.
It
is in the Hindustani concept of theka
that we find its divergent orientation. Although the audience may keep tal[9]in Hindustani musical
forms, its is largely the tabla player
who maintains the tal by playing its
characteristic theka.[10]The theka is a
sequence of drum sounds, or bols. The
bols are recited verbally and/or
played on the tablas, and serve as
memory and notation aids, as in Carnatic music. As the concept is the same but
the names are different, so Hindustani music also uses hand gestures to keep tal, but they are executed differently,
and identified by different symbols.
The
tal cycle in Hindustani music is
divided into groups of the primary, counted beat. These groups are called vibhags. Some of these vibhags are marked with a hand clap and
some with a wave.[11] The beginning and end of the
cycle (the ‘one’) is known as sam, as
it is in the south. It is marked by a clap in all but Rupaktal. The sam and other clapped vibhags are known as tali,[12] and vibhags marked by a wave are known as khali.Sam is notated with a ‘+,’ (or in some sources an ‘X’) other tali vibhags with consecutive numbers
starting from two, and khali vibhags are
notated with a ‘O.’ Almost all common thekas
are khali (wave) at their
midpoint.[13] According to Clayton, “The
primary requirement of a clap pattern is that the identity of sam should be clearly and unambiguously
established, and therefore the pattern should not repeat within the cycle.” (Clayton 2008, 62) Therefore, a tal with an even number of vibhags, for
example, must have at least one khali
to disambiguate the progression from sam to
sam. The aforementioned information
is summarized in the table and example thekas
below.
Vibhag type
Gesture
notation
Sam
Clap
(wave for Rupak)
+
(in place of ‘1’)
Tali
Clap
2,
3, etc.
Khali
Wave
O
Table 3. Basic Elements of Hindustani Tal.
Example 1. Three Common Hindustani Thekas.
Martin
Clayton points out that in some cases the relationship between the tal structure and the theka is quite clear, for example when
the khali coincides with the absence
of open strokes on the low bayan drum,
whereas in other cases, it is less so. (Clayton 2008, 60) Clayton also proposes a hybrid
model of tal analysis that integrates
the idea of theka with an older
Indian music whose rhythmic foundation is more akin to that found in the South.
In
Hindustani music, there is a drum correlate to the Carnatic mrdingam called the pakawaj. Both drums are double headed and barrel-shaped, with one
head (the right for right-handed players) that is smaller, corresponding to the
right drum of the tabla set. The pakhavaj, like the mrdingam, is also much older than the tabla. Legend has it that the first tabla set was created by splitting the pakawaj in half, though this seems unlikely[14]. (Joshi 1977; Wade
1987) Stewart, Clayton and
others agree that the tabla most
likely developed in the last few hundred years only, with the modern form
perhaps less than one hundred years old. (Clayton 2008, 52–53) What is clear is that modern
Hindustani music exhibits a direct connection to the more ancient Hindu music,
especially in the repertoire of the pakhavaj.
Sachs states that Indian music and metre stem from the nature of the
Sanskrit language: “India relies on the metrical aspect of rhythm more than any
other country has done, not even excluding Greece. There are two obvious
reasons for such predominance. One is the purely metrical character of the Sanskrit
language down to the beginning of our era: long and short syllables were
carefully kept apart without any accent in a western sense. The other reason is
that verses—metrical verses—were used as the idiom, not only of poetry, but
also of philosophical, historical, and grammatical treatises.” (Sachs 1988, 99–100).
Clayton
seems to agree with this linguistic orientation for older Indian music at
least, and uses the term, ‘syllabic’ to describe music which is, “conceived as
comprising distinct units, which have temporally definable attack points as
well as other qualities of tone, timbre, dynamics, and so on. These units are
called bols, because they constitute
or can be represented by spoken syllables.” (Clayton 2008, 49) He goes on to juxtapose this
model with his ‘melismatic’ model, which he claims developed largely in the
20th century in the khyal genre of
singing. Khyal singing is performed
at a markedly slow tempo, which allows the very expressive, melismatic style to
flourish. Khyal performers continued
to use the tala system, however, but
in combination with a portamento style of melodic development. “Melismatic
rhythm could be described as rag- or
melody-oriented—the simplest building blocks of the music are the melodic
patterns specific to each rag. Therefore each note need not be articulated with
a new bol; a singer may stretch one
text syllable melismatically to a considerably lengthy and complex melodic
pattern, an effect imitated by the mind (portamento)
produced on the sitar and other
instruments.” (Clayton 2008, 51–52)
From
these two models, Clayton proposes a third, hybrid model that he uses to
explain the state of modern Hindustani rhythmic practice. He claims that theka is a result of this hybrid
orientation; A syllabic model, as still used in South Indian classical music,
does not rely on accentuation but rather on the historical clap pattern and a
surface rhythm, “derived from a stream of distinct pulses.” (Clayton 2008, 49) The accentual model, as
presented in the concept and practice of theka,
however, is composed of weighted and non-weighted matras (beats), thus outlining an accentual hierarchy of beats
between which, presumably, a more elastic approach to rhythmic improvisation is
catered for.
I would add that it is perhaps the poly-metric nature of Indian music that has helped to engender this elastic rhythmic sensibility. Although Carnatic music is extremely diverse and complex in its modes of rhythmic expression, it is also quite strict in its presentation of and adherence to a strict stream of pulses. The combination of an accentual matrix and poly-metric sensibility would seem to be an ideal ground in which to cultivate an accurate but elastic time sense, capable of drawing on several metric schemes in the space of one phrase. This idea will be discussed more in the chapter, Polymeter, page 198.
Hindustani
rhythmic specialists also extend the possibilities of any one metric structure
through the introduction of alternative beat subdivisions and groupings therein,
and by playing a composition or theka
in different relationships to the beat structure of the tala. The concept of lay
or laya is used variably and thus
translates as ‘rhythm,’ ‘speed,’ and ‘rhythmic density,’ among other
possibilities. Whereas in South India the tempo is theoretically fixed, with
different speeds achieved through manipulation of the relationship between matras (beats), jati (subdivisions) and the tala,
in North Indian music the primary matra
tempo used to count tal is variable
as well. There are three principal degrees of laya: vilambit, or slow, madhya, or medium tempo, and drut, or fast, with additional
gradations possible (e.g., ati vilambit,
or very slow, etc.); these are essentially the same names and concepts used in
South India; the principal difference in the Northern approach is the variable
speed of the reference matra tempo.
As
mentioned, laya in North India can
also refer to the relationship between the tal
count and the articulation of bols—the
subdivisions of, or multiples of the beat. Clayton confirms the broad semantic
range of the terms lay and laykari, and prefers the latter when
referring to the variation of rhythmic relationships. In reference to laykari, he states:
It means primarily
either (a) the variation (usually increase) of lay ratio, or (b) the distortion of, or deviation from a steady
beat (i.e. syncopation or rubato)…By extension of these senses, laykari describes (c) any technique
dependent on or derived from the division of the tal and variation of the speed level (i.e. cross-rhythmic
accenting, permutation of rhythmic groups, and so on); and hence (d) rhythmic
variation in general (this sense is analogous to the more general sense of lay itself). (Clayton 2008, 153)
Thus
the terminology, as the practice, is layered with meanings and references to
various concepts. In this summary account of the basic principals of Indian
rhythm I do not suppose to present an all-encompassing view, conceptually or
semantically, but rather to give a detailed, comprehensible overview that can
serve as a basic model for the elucidation of the central hypothesis of this
discussion. I will continue to use the term lay
to refer to tempo and laykari for
rhythmic manipulation.[15]
The
manipulation of the ratio of articulations to tal beat structure indicates that the beat is doubled, tripled,
quadrupled, etc. Given a ¼ note rendering of the basic beat, this indicates 1/8
notes, 1/8 note triplets, 1/16th notes, etc. Also indicated, however, are
fractional ratios (ratios where one number is not a multiple of the other). These
can be written and conceived of in different ways. Clayton lists the first five
ratios as 1:2, 3:4, 1:1, 5:4 and 3:2. Montfort prefers a to write them as
fractions (he also lists more possibilities) and gives ¼, ½, ¾, 1 and 1 ¼. Both
are summarized below:
Table 4 Hindustani Tala Division Ratios, with ‘Fractional Layas’ Shown in Bold. (Clayton 2008, 156; Montfort 1985, 95)
All
the non-fractional ratios from 1:1 up (1:1, 2:1…5:1, 7:1, etc.) correspond to
the notion of gati as discussed in the section on Carnatic music. In
other words, 5:1 means there are five subdivisions to the beat. 3:4 however,
indicates there are now three articulations in the space of four counts of the tal. We are now in the realm of harmonic
time, with two beat streams—one the count of the tala, and the other the bols
as articulated by the musician—that are not related by multiples of whole
numbers. That is, one is not expressible as a unit of the other. The
relationship can be derived (made non-fractional) by multiplying the two
together and applying the result as a new subdivision unit, e.g., twelve, that
can simultaneously be expressed as three groups of four or four groups of
three. This is the same process we saw in the Carnatic section when the tala was expressed as tisra jati (three subdivisions to the
beat), but grouped in fours: ta ka di mi.
This method quickly becomes clumsy and/or un-useable with more complex
relationships such as 7:4.
As
mentioned in the previous discussion on Carnatic rhythm, I was at one stage
under the impression that most of the process of mastering the complex rhythmic
relationships discussed above took place through the learning of compositions
that utilize them. This has been true in my lessons thus far with Pillay, and
this was suggested to me several times in discussion with Toro, who claimed
that in the Indian apprenticeship memorization took precedence over analysis:
Those building blocks of, you know? Of pulse. That’s what we play. And my two cents is that if you just know the downbeat and the upbeat and the dotted note (whistles)…and the Hindus know that. The Hindus know that because they’re learning it in their compositions. It’s part of the compositions. But you ask a Hindu person that, they won’t know. (Toro 2012m)
Kippen,
however, in his research on the tabla tradition
in the city of Lucknow, presents a different picture.[16] Though he goes into
detail on the importance of the memorization of a large repertoire of
compositions, both in the gharana (see
footnote below) and school systems, Kippen also mentions his guru’s emphasis on ‘creative thinking,’
essential in composition and improvisation.
In order to compose or improvise in tabla-playing, it is obvious that a facility in rhythm is vital. Not only must a musician cope with complex cross-rhythms, but he must also know instinctively where he is within a metric cycle and, particularly, where he must begin and end his composition or improvisation. Consequently many exercises aimed at developing the pupil’s sense of general rhythm (lay) and his knowledge of the structure of specific tals are given in the initial stages of the training. (Kippen 1988, 123)
Example Exercises
Kippen
goes on to give three example exercises, described and Transcribed Below.
Reciting the Theka at Different Speeds Relative to the Tal
In the first exercise, the student is required to keep a steady tal (16 beat tintal, in the example) with the appropriate claps ((X), (2), (3) in bold and parentheses), waves (O) and beat counts on the fingers (for tintal then: (X), 2, 3, 4, (2), 6, 7, 8, (O), 10, 11, 12, (3), 14, 15, 16). He or she then recites the bols of the theka for that tal (na dhin dhin na, na dhin dhin na, na tin tin na, na dhin dhin na)[17] in different speeds. The first speed is barabar lay, or one bol per beat. The speed is then increased to one and a half, two, three and four times the original, while maintaining the original speed with the hand gestures. One and a half speed indicates three bols for every two beats; the bols pattern happens three times in the time of two sixteen beat cycles. Visual representations are given below. Note the complete tintal cycles of the bols are differentiated in alternate shaded and non-shaded sections.
Table 5. Exercise 1: Tintal in Barabar Lay—equal speed or one bol per beat.
Table 6. Exercise 1: Tintal in De’orhi Lay—one and a half speed or three bolsto every two beats.
Table 7. Exercise 1: Tintal in Dugun Lay—double speed or two bols per beat.
Table 8. Exercise 1: Tintal in Tigun Lay—triple speed or three bols per beat.
Table 9. Exercise 1: Tintal in Caugun Lay—quadruple speed or four bols per beat.
Audio Example 5. Kippen Tintal Exercise in Speeds (CD Track 5).
For
the next exercise cited by Kippen, the student also keeps tintal, and increases the speed relative to the beat to one and a
quarter, one and a half, one and three quarters and two times the original, but
recites the bols for ten beat jhaptal, twelve beat ektal, seven beat rupak and then back to tintal,
respectively.
Table 10. Exercise 2 summary.
Table 11. Exercise 2 Excerpt: Gesturing in Tintal While Reciting Jhaptal Bols, Sawa’i Lay, or Five Bolsper Four Beats.
Audio Example 6. Kippen Jhaptal Over Tintal Exercise (CD Track 6).
The
third exercise relayed from the Lucknow gharana
by Kippen involves tapping with the two hands only; one hand keeps a steady
four beat while the other hand taps cross rhythms against (or with) it, from
one up to sixteen, in the same time duration as the steady four beat. Without
the bols, thekas and other culturally
rooted approaches, this exercise comes very close to the type advocated by
Toro, or especially by Peter Magadini, who prefers a primary cycle of four
beats and who also studied in India. (Toro 1995, 1993a,
1994; Magadini and Sykes 2001; Magadini 1995) Visually, it would look
something like this:
Figure 2. Exercise 3: Superimposing Beat Cycles One to Ten With Four.
Audio
Example 7: Kippen Cycles 1 to
10 with 4 (CD Track 7).
The
preceding exercises, much like those outlined in the section on Carnatic
rhythm, are like games to challenge the tabla
student and develop his or her facility at rhythmic manipulation within the
tal cycle. The bulk of the student’s
training is of course spent working on technique—including a good sound, hand
placement and dexterity with many combinations of bols—the memorization and performance of compositions, and
improvisation. Much of this discussion has focused on the preceding exercises
as they are more accessible to the reader than the experience of learning
compositions, and because they present a general approach to the development of
rhythmic sense, like the methods of Efrain Toro. In addition, many of the
compositional forms are in fact specific ways of developing improvisations with
given material (from the theka, for
example), and utilize the rhythmic versatility developed initially through
exercises such as those above.
To
summarize this brief introduction to Indian classical rhythmic concepts:
The
rhythmic concept in India has been developed over many centuries; The Carnatic
music of Southern India today presents the modern version of this development,
relatively untouched by foreign cultures. It is a highly organized system, more
strict in its adherence to the approach passed down and developed since Vedic
times.
The
Hindustani system of North India is the result of the cultural interaction
between Hindus and Muslims; this hybrid culture is also quite old by western
standards, at nearly 1000 years, but the rhythmic system in present use is
likely not more than 200 years old. It combines features of the Carnatic system
(in particular the use of bols to
articulate rhythmic ideas and compositions, the use of various tal structures in a variety of metres,
and advanced rhythmic manipulation using a variety of beat subdivisions and
groupings) with an accented tal
structure capable of supporting melismatic expression. This tal structure is expressed and
maintained by the the theka, a
rhythmic groove that is unique to each tal.
The theka is also used as material
for rhythmic manipulation, particularly by altering the speed at which it is
played against the tal. It can be
added that the theka must be
ornamented by the drummer, and that a few of the compositional forms besides theka include:
Peshkar: A loosely structured compositional form which introduces
the tabla player using more
ornamentation and variation of the original theka.
Peshkar often introduce fragments of kaida themes before evolving into full
kaida presentation.
Kaida: An extended composition which introduces a main theme and
proceeds to develop variations while also continuing to restate the main theme
(rhythm and variation).
Rela: A short tabla
composition comprised of basic strokes which, when played quickly, becomes very
exciting and climactic. Relas can
develop variations like kaida themes,
but this is not a prerequisite for performance[18]. (Leake 1986, 13)
[1] The melodic systems are notably complex in both strains of Indian
classical music; Wade gives a useful overview and comparison for musicians
trained in the Western perspective. (Wade 1987)
[2] These terms vary depending
on sources, system of transliteration, and
musical strain; Rag and tal
are often seen in discussions of Hindustani music, but the similarity is still
clear.
[3] Deva uses this description
as a chapter title. (Deva 1995)
[4] Pillay mentions six Angam-s:
Guru, Anudrudam, Drudam, Lagu, Plutham, and Kaka Paada; However, he only
elaborates on the three mentioned above, citing them as the most commonly used.
(Pillay 1997) Presumably the other three are used in the ancient system of 108 talas.
[6] These are Carnatic bols, as used by Pillay. Each syllable
represents the articulation of a particular sound on the instrument. The same
material could also be played on the mrdingam,
the standard drum of a South Indian classical ensemble.
[7] According to Pillay, thiramanum is the Carnatic equivalent of
the more commonly used North Indian term, tihai,
defined by Leake as: “a rhythmic phrase repeated 3 times with the final
stroke of the third phrase landing on an important beat of the cycle. A tihai
is commonly used for concluding a melodic or rhythmic composition. Ti =
3, Hai represents the suffix meaning triple.” (Leake 1986, 13) Pillay gave a similar definition for thiramanum/tihai. (Pillay 2011)
[8] See Kippen for a discussion
on exaggerated boasts of compositional knowledge, plus memorization past and
present (Kippen 1988, 122–23); See for a discussion of compositions and the gharana system (Leake 1986, 14); Wade and Kippen discuss various compositional formulae used in
Hindustani drumming. (Wade 1987, 151–57; Kippen 1988, 126–27, 160–202)
[9] In this section, I will use
common Hindustani expressions and spellings such as ‘keeping tal,’ instead of ‘keeping tala.’
[10] According to Pillay, in
Hindustani music, the tabla keeps the
tal, while in Carnatic music the tabla (or mrdingam) player plays with the tala
kept on the performers’ (and audience members’) laps. (Pillay 2011)
[11]Tal is also kept by counting finger joints, starting from the base
of the pinkie. Using both hands, one can indicate the beats (matras) with finger counting as well as
the vibhag with claps (on the thigh)
and waves. See Leake for suggested exercises. (Leake 1986, 59–60)
[12] Leake uses the term bharee, which indicates an open stroke
on the low bayan drum, played by the
right handed tabla player’s left hand. (Leake 1986)
[13] The exception is seven matra Rupak tala, which has both sam and khali on the same beat.
[14] Deva and Wade cite the story
of Sudhar Khan who dashed his pakhavaj to
the floor after losing a drumming competition. It split and the two halves
became the tabla. This would have been in the time of Emperor Akbar
(1556-1605). (Deva 1995; Wade 1987) Joshi and others state that the pakhavaj
was cut. (Joshi 1977) Another popular legend has it that the tabla was introduced from farther west by Amir Khusrau in the
thirteenth century. (Wade 1987, 135–36)
[15] Wade also refers briefly to
the term parenthetically, i.e., “To sing tarana
requires skill in rhythmic manipulation (layakari) and the ability to sing syllables rapidly.” (Wade 1987, 177) This is perhaps a clearer explanation than the more comprehensive
one quoted above.
[16] Lucknow is a city in the
Northern province of Uttar Pradesh, and home to one of the six main tabla gharanas (‘houses’ or lineages).
The others are Delhi, Benares, Punjab, Ajrada, and Farukhabad. (Kippen 1988; Leake 1986; Clayton
2008; Neuman 1985, 1977; Wade 1987; Deva 1995)
[17] This is the example given in
the Kippen text from which this exercise is taken. Another common version is, dha
dhin dhin dha, dha dhin dhin dha, dha tin tin ta, ta dhin dhin dha. Dha
uses an open bass sound on the left hand bayan drum, as does dhin,
so this version features almost continuous bass articulation. Na and ta
are the same sound. Also common is to clap on all thali/bareevibhags;
this differentiates them sonically from the khalivibhag, which
is marked by a wave. (Leake 1986, 59) I find this system preferable, as heard in the audio example.
[18] The suggested order of performance in one video lecture by the tabla virtuoso, Zakir Hussain, is: peshkar–kaida-fixed composition-rela. (Zakir Hussain Lecture and Demonstration of Tabla 2007) For extended descriptions and examples of these forms see appropriate sections in Leake and Kippen. (Leake 1986; Kippen 1988)
Bibliography
As you’ve seen in the text, I have included links to most of these works. If you are interested in purchasing any of them, please consider clicking through and helping to support this labor of love. Thank you! YIR (Yours In Rhythm), John
Joshi, G. N. (1977). Understanding Indian Classical Music. Bombay: Taraporevala.
Kippen, J. (2006). Gurudev’s Drumming Legacy: Music, Theory, and Nationalism in the Mr̥daṅg Aur Tabla Vādanpaddhati of Gurudev Patwardhan. London: Ashgate.
Leake, J. (1986). Series A.I.M.: Percussion Text (2nd ed). Boston: Rhombus.
Wade, B. C. (1987). Music in India: The Classical Traditions. New Delhi: Manohar Publication.
Deva, B. C. (1995). Indian Music. New Delhi: Indian Council for Cultural Relations.
Strangways, A. H. (1989). Features, Principles And Technique Of Indian Music. Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House.
Jairazbhoy, N. A. (1988). A Musical Journey Through India: 1963-1964. Department of Ethnomusicology, University of California.
Lerdahl, F., Jackendoff, R., & Jackendoff, R. S. (1996). A Generative Theory of Tonal Music. Boston: MIT Press.
Kippen, J. (2006). Gurudev’s Drumming Legacy: Music, Theory, and Nationalism in the Mr̥daṅg Aur Tabla Vādanpaddhati of Gurudev Patwardhan. London: Ashgate.
Leake, J. (1986). Series A.I.M.: Percussion Text (2nd ed). Boston: Rhombus.
Agawu, V. (1995). African Rhythm: A Northern Ewe Perspective. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Arom, S. (1991). African Polyphony and Polyrhythm: Musical Structure and Methodology. Cambridge ;;New York ;Paris: Cambridge University Press ;;Editions de la maison des Sciences de l’homme.
Clayton, M. (2008). Time in Indian Music: Rhythm, Metre, and Form in North Indian Rāg Performance. Oxford University Press, USA.
Wade, B. C. (1987). Music in India: The Classical Traditions. New Delhi: Manohar Publication.
London, J. (2004). Hearing in Time: Psychological Aspects of Musical Meter. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kippen, J. (1988). The Tabla of Lucknow: A Cultural Analysis of a Musical Tradition. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press.
Kippen, J. (2006). Gurudev’s Drumming Legacy: Music, Theory, and Nationalism in the Mr̥daṅg Aur Tabla Vādanpaddhati of Gurudev Patwardhan. London: Ashgate.
Leake, J. (1986). Series A.I.M.: Percussion Text (2nd ed). Boston: Rhombus.
Magadini, P. (1995). Polyrhythms for the Drumset. Van Nuys, California: Alfred Publishing Co., Inc.
Montfort, M. (1985). Ancient Traditions--Future Possibilities: Rhythmic Training Through the Traditions of Africa, Bali, and India (1st ed.). Mill Valley Calif.: Panoramic Press.
Magadini, P., & Sykes, W. (2001). Polyrhythms - the Musician’s Guide. Milwaukee, WI: Hal Leonard Corp.
Wade, B. C. (1987). Music in India: The Classical Traditions. New Delhi: Manohar Publication.
Hi. This article was great, but, I had some questions regarding what I’ve seen in videos etc. I would greatly appreciate it if you could clarify.
Here I’m referring to a video on YouTube posted by a channel called “David Bruce Conposer” titled “Extreme math nerd music ( An Into to Kunnakol)”.
At 7:49, a guest speaker (Rohit Jayaraman) makes the following statement “…as far as I know, their (i.e., Hindustani) spoken tradition is much more well structured, in that, every syllable pretty much corresponds actually to a stroke on the instrument…”
At 8:44, he continues by saying “…but in the Carnatic tradition with Kunnakol and all…it kind of developed in its own way to be spoken, so there’s a lot of syllables that don’t necessarily correspond to a stroke on the instrument, or can be interpreted, but really it was designed for the ease of speaking and fast speeds…”
What exactly does he mean by this? I’m a bit confused.
Prior to this, I have learnt the basics of the Mrindanga during my childhood and early teens enough to understandthe article, but, as far as I remember a jati generally represents a stroke on the instrument, as in there is a particular way you play “Ta”, “dhi”, “Nam” or “Digutarikitataka”, etc.
Is he talking about the accented rythm in Hindustani you speak of, or is it something else?
Is “much more structured” really the right word to use, or should it have been described differently?
Everyone loves iit when follks gett togeether and share views.
Great site, continue the good work!